Kicillof's fiscal fight with Milei and the Sept. 19 coalition launch are the real 2027 signals for Buenos Aires Province. Here's what to track.
Brazil's Lula–Flávio Bolsonaro runoff is a toss-up. Our model: 47% government retention, low confidence. The Cury bloc decides it. On the record.
Canada's C$27.6B in counter-tariffs went live September 8. Mexico's calculated silence is the harder signal for GA teams to read correctly.
Colombia's hardline turn against Clan del Golfo, a U.S.-designated FTO, converts old "vacuna" payments into live material-support exposure.
Brazil's top court set a 24-month deadline for mining-on-indigenous-land law. Here's the real risk map for mining and energy GCs.
USMCA's July review split into three U.S. tariff tracks. Mexico and Canada are on different clocks now, and one risk memo will misprice both.
Samuel García survived impeachment #3 while Kia bet $649M on Nuevo León. What GA teams should track, and what they can safely ignore.
Fujimori's mandate is Peru's thinnest ever. Her party's one-vote Senate win doesn't retire the mining-permitting risk GA teams still have to underwrite.
Venezuela's July 7 reform ends PDVSA's oil monopoly on paper. A negative-equity shell company already shows who Caracas actually picks.
USMCA didn't renew on July 1: it entered a decade of annual reviews through 2036. What boards need to build now, and what no longer works.
Colombia's new president Abelardo de la Espriella won by 0.96 points. Here's the pre-inauguration operator playbook for energy, security, and GA teams.
Eight months after Argentina's midterms, the "Milei-aligned governor" label is fracturing. Frigerio, Cornejo, Torres, and Pullaro are not the same bet.
Tarcísio's São Paulo runs R$340bn in concessions independent of Brasília. Here's the operator map: what he controls, where Lula can override, and what it means for U.S. deal flow.
The 2026 World Cup is a six-week live test of USMCA's July 1 review. Five priorities for VP-GA teams across CDMX, Guadalajara, and Monterrey.
Washington's advocacy operating system has changed. In Latin America it changed first, and harder — the public-affairs playbook for 2026.
Twenty-five days into the EU-Mercosur iTA, the question for U.S. multinationals isn't whether the deal holds. It's where their SKUs sit in the 15-year preference gap.
The November 2023 ruling that shut Cobre Panamá isn't the outlier. It's the template, and the trap. Operators across the Andean copper belt are quietly repricing community license against it, project by project.
The Venezuela window everyone called 12 months is now 4. What claimants, operators, and GA leads should do between May and September 2026.
The consensus says the Petro era ends August 7 and the file goes back to 2022. Half right. The reforms that survived have built operational interests the next administration inherits — and will not staff out.
Greer's two-protocol architecture has replaced the July 1 USMCA deadline with a 2026-2027 negotiation. Here is how GA teams should replan.
A weekly read on the political economy of the Americas. No promotional material, no sponsored content — written for C-suite operators and the investors who back them.